The impact of non-stereotypical gender role endorsement in live broadcasting on consumers' purchase intention.

Introduction: Non-stereotypical gender role endorsement is becoming more common in e-commerce live broadcasting. However, there is relatively little research on this topic, and the mechanism of its impact on purchase intention is not yet clear. Based on schema theory and experimental methods, this study explores the impact of non-stereotypical gender role endorsement (compared to stereotypical gender role endorsement) on purchase intention in e-commerce live broadcasting. Besides, we take traditional gender ideology as the moderating variable. Methods: We first selected experimental materials available for formal experiments through two pre-experiments. Secondly, this study conducted experiments on male/female product groups, respectively. Participants were recruited through the Credamo platform for both experiments. Results: Experiment 1 indicates that for female product, stereotypical gender role endorsement triggers higher consumer purchase intention compared to non-stereotypical gender role endorsement. The subsequent moderating effect test results manifest that traditional gender ideology plays a moderating role in this effect. Experiment 2 shows that for male product, there is no significant difference in the impact of the two types of endorsement on consumers' purchase intention. In other words, non-stereotypical gender role endorsement does affect consumers' purchase intention, but this effect exists only in female product, and is more significant for consumers with a high level of traditional gender ideology. Discussion: This study not only has certain theoretical significance for expanding the application boundaries of schema theory and congruence between celebrities and products endorsed, but also has practical significance for brand owners and streamers to effectively adopt non-stereotypical gender role endorsement to enhance purchase intention.

An unlikely coalition to defend the nation and banish "gender ideology" from Brazilian schools.

In 2011, Jair Bolsonaro initiated a fight against the federal program proposal School without Homophobia (2009), which aimed to educate children, school staff, and parents on the respect to sexual diversity and prevention of violence against LGBTQIA + students. Bolsonaro's Gay Kit unleashed an anti-gender campaign in Brazil. The fight against "gender ideology" that follows Jair Bolsonaro initial campaign indicates a turn in the articulation and the discourse of conservative and right-wing actors. This anti-gender campaign brough together groups that historically have been divided along class, race and gender lines, such as radical Catholic, middle- and upper-class white conservative Brazilians, and Neo-Pentecostals. In this paper, I analyze the power of the anti-gender campaign unleashed since the 2010s to find a common enemy, a common language and a common interest among conservative sectors of Brazilian society. I argue that gender works as the main symbolic glue that helps right-wing actors to forge a common identity in opposition to a new common Other, namely leftists. The main factor bridging them together is the preservation of the masculinist national identity that denies any form of structural inequality and critical thinking.

Sex ratios and gender norms: why both are needed to understand sexual conflict in humans.

Sexual conflict theory has been successfully applied to predict how in non-human animal populations, sex ratios can lead to conflicting reproductive interests of females and males and affect their bargaining positions in resolving such conflicts of interests. Recently this theory has been extended to understand the resolution of sexual conflict in humans, but with mixed success. We argue that an underappreciation of the complex relationship between gender norms and sex ratios has hampered a successful understanding of sexual conflict in humans. In this paper, we review and expand upon existing theory to increase its applicability to humans, where gender norms regulate sex ratio effects on sexual conflict. Gender norms constrain who is on the marriage market and how they are valued, and may affect reproductive decision-making power. Gender norms can also directly affect sex ratios, and we hypothesize that they structure how individuals respond to market value gained or lost through biased sex ratios. Importantly, gender norms are in part a product of women's and men's sometimes conflicting reproductive interests, but these norms are also subject to other evolutionary processes. An integration of sexual conflict theory and cultural evolutionary theory is required to allow for a full understanding of sexual conflict in humans.

The "Free Speech Bus": Making "gender ideology" appear through media and performance.

This article argues that the concept of "gender ideology" produces and reproduces reactionary subjectivities using different media (videos, texts, memes, images, etc.), diverse platforms (Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube, TikTok, etc.), and performative actions that form a decentralized propaganda machine that propagates, mobilizes, agitates, and organizes reactionary bases. Using close reading as method of inquiry, I analyze a vast archive of images, videos, and documents from the Spanish organization Hazte Oír/CitizenGo, focusing on the #FreeSpeechBus campaign in which buses with transphobic (2017) and antifeminist (2019) slogans toured different cities across Spain and around the world.The article unfolds in four parts. In the first part, I describe gender ideology and the bus campaign as the product of a decentralized propaganda machine that produces, agitates, and organizes reactionary subjectivities through media and incarnated discourses. In the second section, I situate my perspective in relation to existing literature about gender ideology. In the third section, I will illustrate how "gender ideology" relies on the appropriation of the vocabulary and mobilization strategies traditionally associated with liberation movements as well as a fascist and right-wing repertoire of performative and media strategies. In the final part, I show the importance of fostering a transfeminist antifascism to fight "gender ideology," an approach that supports the work of activists who are fighting in the trenches, builds on efforts to decenter white cis women as the subject of feminism, supports sex workers, and reclaims media and performance as indispensable weapons in the political battle.

It Takes Two to Tango: Links Between Traditional Beliefs About both Men's and Women's Gender Roles and Comfort Initiating Sex and Comfort Refusing Sex.

Traditional gender roles dictate rigid rules and standards prescribing which behaviors, thoughts, and feelings are considered masculine and feminine within sexual contexts, and thus internalizing these beliefs (higher traditional gender ideology) may influence sexual attitudes. Prior theorizing has primarily focused on how women's traditional beliefs about women's gender roles (traditional femininity ideology) and men's traditional beliefs about men's gender roles (traditional masculinity ideology) influence their sexual assertiveness. Yet, men can hold traditional beliefs about women, and women can hold traditional beliefs about men, and these beliefs should have important implications for sexual assertiveness. We addressed this gap by testing how both heterosexual women's (n = 389) and men's (n = 393) traditional masculinity and femininity ideologies associate with their reported comfort initiating sex and comfort refusing sex in their relationships. When accounting for both sets of beliefs, women's traditional beliefs about men's and women's roles interacted to predict comfort initiating sex, but not comfort refusing sex. Men's traditional beliefs about men's roles predicted less comfort refusing sex, and their traditional beliefs about women's roles predicted less comfort initiating sex. This novel research underscores the importance of considering beliefs about both sets of traditional gender roles for understanding people's sexual attitudes. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11199-023-01366-w.

Where is the father? Challenges and solutions to the inclusion of fathers in child feeding and nutrition research.

Despite an increasing acknowledgement of fathers' involvement in and impact on children's lives, fathers remain underrepresented in child feeding and childhood obesity prevention research, interventions, and actions. Built on our own experiences with conducting research with fathers and recent evidence on this topic, this Research in Practice article has three aims. It will first substantiate the importance of including and studying fathers in the field of child feeding and childhood obesity prevention based on recent study results. Secondly, the article will present and discuss barriers to fathers' inclusion and participation (why isn't it happening?), among other issues, by drawing on sociological and gender ideological insights. Finally, it will provide recommendations and suggestions related to recruitment, focus and methods that can facilitate fathers' involvement in future research, interventions, and practice. Taken together, this article aims to provide tools for giving fathers a voice in the field of child nutrition and by doing so, to decrease maternal-only "burden" of care. We hope our experiences and theoretical reflections will inspire and support researchers and practitioners to be as successful as possible in the realm of family care.

Double Jeopardy: The Roles of Job Autonomy and Spousal Gender Ideology in Employed Women's Mental Health.

Employed women persistently suffer in mental health despite more family-friendly workplaces. The job demand-control theory argues that employed women's mental health depends on their job autonomy, while sociological research on the gender division of household labor locates the cause in how much they are expected by husbands to contribute to housework. The article integrates the two streams of literature by arguing that employed women's job autonomy and their spousal gender ideology interact to shape their mental health. Using nationally representative household-level panel survey and fixed effects models, the study showed that job autonomy improved employed women's mental health, but the benefits depended on their spousal gender ideologies. Specifically, women suffered a "double jeopardy" in mental health when they lacked job autonomy and had traditional husbands. In contrast, when women's husbands had an egalitarian gender ideology, they enjoyed mental health regardless of job autonomy. In addition, women's self-gender ideology did not predict their own or their husbands' mental health. The results point to a societal-level change in men's gender ideology as a fundamental way to improve employed women's family well-being. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11482-022-10090-8.

'Missing the point': A conversation with Sonia Corrêa about the emergence and complexities of anti-gender politics at the intersections of human rights and health.

Reproductive and sexual health policies have long mobilised religious and political forces. In this interview conducted in September of 2021, Brazilian feminist activist and researcher Sonia Corrêa guides us through a genealogy of anti-gender politics showing how they have been grounded in carefully crafted discourses about rights and gender that hinge on interpretations of the 'original' intent as ascribed in 'founding' documents such as the bible. In her overview of the transnational connections and ramifications of anti-gender politics, Corrêa provides a critical analysis of their geopolitical connections and the disastrous effects they've had on sexual, reproductive and social rights. In highlighting the problems with naming anti-gender politics as 'anti-rights' and dismissing the strength and complexity of the forces behind them, Corrêa alerts us to the depth of their roots and urgent need for a shift in strategy to fight them.

Women as Agents of Change: Exploring Women Leaders' Resistance and Shaping of Gender Ideologies in Pakistan.

Despite a growing focus on processes to promote gender equity, women remain significantly underrepresented in leadership positions in the Global South. In the present study we focus on the role of familial experiences in shaping and contesting gender ideologies of Pakistani women in the workplace. We specifically examine the reciprocal ways in which women leaders and their family members shape each other's gender ideologies regarding the workplace. Data collected and analyzed for this study were semi-structured interviews with eight women in positions of leadership in Lahore, Pakistan, and interviews with one family members of each of the women leaders (thus 16 interviews total). Using thematic narrative analysis, we identified three thematic phases: learning gender expectations, resistance, and familial transformation. These phases reflect the progression of developing, resisting, and influencing individual and familial gender ideologies. We document the manifestation of these phases in three specific domains: education, marriage and motherhood, and the workplace. We then discuss how these findings contribute to understanding the experiences of women leaders and perceptions of their family members regarding women's role in the workplace. Findings from our research provide novel insights into the ways globalization and capitalism continue to shape the socio-cultural context for women leaders in the Global South.

Ideology shapes how workers perceive and react to workplace discrimination: An experimental study on parenthood discrimination.

Employers use ideologically-tinged rhetoric to justify workplace discrimination. We argue that workers will be less likely to label biased treatment against them as discriminatory when they subscribe to those ideologies as well. We tested this prediction and the consequences of labeling for work attitudes and performance using an experiment that assigned parents to a low-status position in a work group, varying whether the decision invoked biased, ideological assumptions about parenthood. As expected, ideology drove mothers' (but not fathers') labeling. Mothers were less likely to label biased treatment against them as discriminatory when they were conservative and when they subscribed to separate spheres and ideal worker ideologies. Mothers who labeled their treatment as discriminatory had more negative work attitudes than those who did not, but also tended to appeal the decision. Ideology thus shapes whether people label discrimination when it occurs as well as their subsequent work attitudes and justice-seeking behaviors.

Educação e ativismos antigênero no Brasil: o Plano Municipal de Educação de Niterói (2016) / Education and anti-gender activism in Brazil: the Municipal Education Plan of Niterói (2016)

A presente tese expõe os resultados de pesquisa de doutorado que visou analisar as condições e a dinâmica das disputas recentemente desenvolvidas em âmbito local quanto à inclusão das temáticas referentes a gênero e sexualidade na formulação e adoção de políticas públicas para a educação. Mais especificamente, foi investigado o processo de aprovação legislativa do mais recente Plano Municipal de Educação de Niterói. Para tanto, foram reconstituídas as etapas de formulação e debate do documento que o originou e mapeados os principais atores envolvidos no processo, assim como os argumentos mobilizados por eles. Tal investigação se desenvolveu através do levantamento e análise de fontes documentais que forneceram informações sobre o processo de formulação, tramitação e debate do PMEN. O projeto de lei enviado para a Câmara de Niterói a fim de instituir o mais recente plano de educação sofreu alterações sobretudo no item 5 do capítulo VI, originalmente intitulado "Educação e Diversidade de Gênero". As mudanças incidiram sobre os termos "gênero", "orientação sexual", "identidade de gênero", "homofobia" e "lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis, transexuais e transgêneros (LGBT)", suprimidos de todas as metas e ações do item nos quais eram mencionados. Tais alterações foram resultados deliberados de ofensivas antigênero ao longo do processo de aprovação legislativa do PL 86/2016, marcado por diversos embates nos quais a categoria "ideologia de gênero" assumiu centralidade. Tal categoria foi empregada no fomento de pânicos morais em relação aos supostos efeitos que adviriam com a imposição desse pretenso sistema ideológico nas escolas de Niterói. Dentre tais ameaças estariam o perigo da "erotização infantil" e da destituição da primazia dos pais na educação moral dos filhos ­ entendida como um direito inviolável da família. Na base desse pânico residia a compreensão de que o sexo seria expressão da natureza, recusando-se a ideia de que as diferenças e desigualdades entre homens e mulheres sejam socialmente construídas. Como estratégia, aqueles atores antigênero mobilizavam estrategicamente dispositivos legais a fim de cercear iniciativas voltadas a promover o respeito à diversidade sexual e de gênero e a reconhecer os direitos sexuais e reprodutivos como direitos humanos. Ao fazê-lo, distorciam o conteúdo de tais dispositivos legais, levando preocupações sobre a regulação da sexualidade, fundamentadas em uma moral religiosa, para o campo do direito, assim visando estabelecer limites para os direitos demandados por movimentos feministas e LGBT. Logo, o recurso à noção de "ideologia de gênero" observado ao longo do processo de aprovação legislativa do PL 86/2016 expressou um posicionamento oposto a avanços dos movimentos de mulheres e LGBT na política sexual. Constata-se, enfim, a convergência daqueles atores com as estratégias e retórica de um ativismo antigênero de caráter transnacional que disputam os próprios limites da extensão da lógica democrática nas sociedades contemporâneas. Nesse sentido, os atores que aderiram a essa retórica no caso do debate PME de Niterói se inseriram em dinâmicas sociais que não estão restritas a essa localidade e tampouco ao debate sobre educação. AU

The present thesis presents the findings of a doctoral research study aimed at analyzing the conditions and dynamics of disputes recently developed at the local level concerning the inclusion of themes referring to gender and sexuality in the formulation and adoption of public policies for education. More specifically, the study investigated the legislative approval process of the most recent Municipal Education Plan of Niterói (PMEN). To this end, the stages of formulation and debate of the document that originated it were reconstructed, and the main actors involved in the process were identified, along with the arguments they employed. This investigation was conducted through the collection and analysis of documentary sources that provided information about the formulation, processing, and debate of the PMEN. The bill submitted to the Chamber of Niterói to establish the most recent education plan underwent changes, primarily in item 5 of chapter VI, originally titled "Education and Gender Diversity." The changes affected the terms "gender", "sexual orientation", "gender identity", "homophobia", and "lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transvestites, transsexuals, and transgender people (LGBT)" which were removed from all goals and actions of the item in which they were mentioned. These alterations were deliberate results of anti-gender offensives during the legislative approval process of Bill 86/2016, marked by various confrontations in which the category "gender ideology" became central. This category was employed to foster moral panics concerning the alleged effects that would ensue from the imposition of this purported ideological system in schools in Niterói. Among these threats were the danger of "child eroticization" and the undermining of parental primacy in the moral education of their children - understood as an inviolable right of the family. At the core of this panic was the belief that sex is an expression of nature, rejecting the idea that differences and inequalities between men and women are socially constructed. As a strategy, anti-gender actors strategically mobilized legal devices to curtail initiatives aimed at promoting respect for sexual and gender diversity and recognizing sexual and reproductive rights as human rights. In doing so, they distorted the content of such legal devices, bringing concerns about the regulation of sexuality, grounded in religious morality, into the realm of law, thus seeking to establish limits for the rights demanded by feminist and LGBT movements. Consequently, resorting to the notion of "gender ideology", as observed throughout the legislative approval process of Bill 86/2016 expressed a position opposing the advances of women's and LGBT movements in sexual politics. It is ultimately observed that these actors converge with the strategies and rhetoric of a transnational anti-gender activism that contests the very limits of the extension of democratic logic in contemporary societies. In this sense, the actors who adhered to this rhetoric in the case of the Niterói PME debate inserted themselves into social dynamics that are not restricted to this locality or to the debate on education. AU

Posfeminismo y transhumanismo: una relación histórica / Posfeminist and transhumanism: a historical relationship

El posfeminismo de género o “ideología de género”, es una revolución contra el hombre que niega laexistencia de su naturaleza humana, y promueve un mundo homogeneizado con papeles intercambiablessin distinción sexual. A medida que el hombre ha ido transformando el mundo con la tecnología y depen-diendo de ella, se ha ido cambiando a sí mismo hasta tal punto que, ante una máquina y un ser humano,optamos por la máquina porque el ser humano nos parece imperfecto. La ideología transhumanista comosuperación de lo humano supone la deshumanización del hombre. No es que solo nos transformemos enotros seres, sino que podríamos acabar despreciando lo humano. ¿Nos espera un mundo totalmente arti-ficial? La pregunta clave que hemos de hacernos es qué perspectiva del hombre tiene el transhumanismo.¿Qué somos para esta ideología? ¿Demostrará la felicidad del hombre?.(AU)

Gender post-feminism or “gender ideology” is a revolution against man that denies the existence of hishuman nature, and promotes a homogenized world with interchangeable roles without sexual distinction.As man has been transforming the world with technology and depending on it, he has been changinghimself and we get to the point that, when faced with a machine and a human being, we opt for the ma-chine because the human being seems imperfect to us. The transhumanist ideology as an overcoming ofthe human supposes the dehumanization of man. It is not that we only transform into other beings, butwe could end up despising the human. Does a totally artificial world await us? The key question we haveto ask ourselves is what perspective of man does transhumanism have? What are we to this ideology? Willit show the happiness of man?.(AU)

Are liberal men not abusive toward their wives? Evidence from rural Bangladesh.

Gender ideology has widely been discussed in the explanation of wife abuse. However, how men's gender ideology influences wife abuse is quite overlooked in Bangladeshi context. This study examined how various types of gender ideology among men are associated with wife abuse in Bangladesh. It included 342 married men randomly selected from 5 villages. Negative binomial regression was employed to predict the incidence-rate ratio of wife abuse. Of the sample, 55.0% maintained traditional, 31.3% transitional, and 13.7% liberal gender ideologies. On average, the men perpetrated 6.10 abusive acts in a year. Data showed that the rates of overall wife abuse among liberal men were 41% and 48% lower than the traditional and transitional men, respectively. Liberal men also perpetrated less emotional, physical, and sexual abuses than both traditional and transitional men. The study shows that the promotion of liberal gender ideology among men is important for preventing wife abuse. Men should be targeted by diverse violence prevention interventions for enhancing gender equality attitudes. Though the study has provided novel findings in a Bangladeshi context, it was entirely based on male data. Future studies should examine both men's and women's views on the issues.

The gender-binary cycle: the perpetual relations between a biological-essentialist view of gender, gender ideology, and gender-labelling and sorting.

Gender inequality is one of the most pressing issues of our time. A core factor that feeds gender inequality is people's gender ideology-a set of beliefs about the proper order of society in terms of the roles women and men should fill. We argue that gender ideology is shaped, in large parts, by the way people make sense of gender differences. Specifically, people often think of gender differences as expressions of a predetermined biology, and of men and women as different 'kinds'. We describe work suggesting that thinking of gender differences in this biological-essentialist way perpetuates a non-egalitarian gender ideology. We then review research that refutes the hypothesis that men and women are different 'kinds' in terms of brain function, hormone levels and personality characteristics. Next, we describe how the organization of the environment in a gender-binary manner, together with cognitive processes of categorization drive a biological-essentialist view of gender differences. We then describe the self-perpetuating relations, which we term the gender-binary cycle, between a biological-essentialist view of gender differences, a non-egalitarian gender ideology and a binary organization of the environment along gender lines. Finally, we consider means of intervention at different points in this cycle. This article is part of the theme issue 'The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms'.

"Whatever you do, just don't let him notice you're a woman!" General beliefs on women's gender ideology as a function of topic in mixed-gender negotiations.

How one approaches gender differences in general likely influences the way one handles mixed-gender negotiations. In the present paper, we examine general beliefs on how women negotiators do-as opposed to how they "should"-handle gender in order to increase their chances of success. First, we hypothesised that people's general beliefs would support a sexblindness ideology according to which gender is, and indeed should be, ignored in order to succeed. Second, because negotiation comes across as a stereotypically masculine activity, we predicted that prescriptions regarding what women should do to succeed would commonly favour assimilationism (the belief that women need to assimilate to male norms) over sexawareness (the belief that gender differences should be acknowledged and celebrated). We nevertheless predicted a general belief that women might stay away from these prescriptions and rely more on their gender (i.e. endorse sexawareness over assimilationism) within feminine as compared to masculine and neutral-topic negotiations. Together, our two experiments confirm these predictions. We discuss our results in terms of the consequences on women's gender ideology-based strategies, a potentially relevant aspect to their actual negotiating outcomes.

He, She, "They" at the Bargaining Table Woman, Man or Just Negotiators? A Critical Review on Gender Ideologies in Mixed-Gender Negotiations.

In recent years, an important number of studies aimed at levelling the playing field for women and men at the bargaining table. In spite of this, women continue to find themselves largely at a disadvantage when negotiating with a male counterpart. In this review, we focus on a neglected yet potentially important factor contributing to the gender gap in negotiations, namely people's gender ideology. We argue that gender ideology shapes day-to-day negotiations and we offer insights regarding its consequences on the bargaining process. We first present the available contributions regarding gender in negotiations and underline the most significant variables that lead to gender effects in negotiations. We then introduce gender ideology as a potentially important variable in the process and lean upon previous studies to support our claim.

The gender ideology of 'Wise Mother and Good Wife' and Korean immigrant women's adjustment in the United States.

The notion of 'wise mother and good wife (WMGW)' (Hyonmo Yangcho) is the traditional idealized image of Korean womanhood as one who serves her country and others through her roles as a mother and wife. This ideology may continue to have some significance in the lives of many first-generation Korean immigrant women, but its potential role in the adjustment challenges these women may face while acculturating to the immigrant context in the United States has received little attention. In this paper, we briefly review the historical background of the WMGW ideology and discussed the significance of focusing research attention on the role of this notion in contemporary first-generation Korean immigrant women in the United States. We focus on the intersecting influences of gender, ethnicity, and immigrants' generation status, which may further marginalize some first-generation Korean immigrant mothers. We then outline possible unique challenges faced by some of these mothers due to the WMGW gender ideology, highlighting potential immigration-related difficulties including changes in their social support networks, parenting burden, mental health, and language issues. Finally, we provide suggestions for researchers and practitioners working with U.S. Korean immigrant women.

Relative Employment, Gender Beliefs, and Intimate Partner Coercion and Violence Against New Mothers Across Marital and Residential Contexts.

This research builds on prior studies of intimate partner victimization by examining the impact of women's and men's relative employment, gender traditionalism, and gender distrust on coercive control and physical victimization among married, cohabiting, and noncohabiting couples with infants. It merges feminist approaches that emphasize the gendered meaning of work, power, and violence with prior insights regarding differences in levels of intimate violence across family forms. Specifically, this research recognizes that there is variation across married, cohabiting, and dating contexts in the symbolic meaning of work, the salience of traditionalism, and the tenuous status of relationships that may activate gender distrust in the production of compensatory violence and control. Logistic regression models using baseline and Year 1 Fragile Families and Child Well-Being data (n = 2,337) indicate that the predictors of coercive control differ across couple types, with the relative odds of coercion higher among couples in which only the woman is employed, but only when cohabiting. Consistent with expectations, men's gender traditionalism increases coercive control, but only in the context of marriage. Relative employment and gender beliefs did not predict physical victimization among any couple types, but a moderating effect of men's gender distrust on women's sole employment was identified, such that status inconsistency in employment increases the relative odds of physical victimization only when the male partner is distrustful of women.

"Em defesa das crianças e da família": Refletindo sobre discursos acionados por atores religiosos "conservadores" em controvérsias públicas envolvendo gênero e sexualidade / "In defense of the children and the family": Reflections about the discourses of "conservative" religious actors in public controversies involving gender and sexuality / "En defensa de los niños y la familia": Reflexionando sobre discursos de actores religiosos "conservadores" en polémicas públicas que involucran género y sexualidad

Resumo O artigo é fruto de pesquisas realizadas entre os anos de 2010 e 2018 sobre os argumentos acionados em controvérsias públicas que vêm permeando o cenário político brasileiro, suscitadas por parlamentares ligados às bancadas religiosas. A reflexão volta seu olhar para o pânico moral criado em torno do Projeto Escola sem Homofobia, chamado de "kit gay" por seus detratores, a partir de 2011. Em seguida, acompanha os intensos debates desde 2013 - com o acionamento da terminologia "ideologia de gênero" - em torno dos planos de educação no país. Mais recentemente, acompanha o processo eleitoral para a Presidência da República, no qual o "kit gay" foi um dos principais artefatos da campanha do presidente eleito. Essas controvérsias se articulam em um cenário de fortalecimento de conservadorismos, cujos pontos de interseção são o confronto de moralidades em relação ao gênero e à sexualidade e a mobilização do discurso de defesa das crianças e dos adolescentes. A hipótese, assim, é que a infância e a adolescência se tornam pontos estratégicos para refletir sobre os processos de transformação por que passa a política sexual brasileira.

Abstract The current article results from research carried out between 2010 and 2018 on the arguments raised in public controversies that have pervaded the Brazilian political scene in recent years, examining the discourse of "conservative" religious actors, especially parliamentarians adopting a religious rhetoric. The author scrutinizes the moral panic created around the School without Homophobia Project, dubbed by its detractors "Gay Kit", from 2011 onwards; she then analyses the intense debates (beginning in 2013) revolving around education plans all over the country - debates in which the term "gender ideology" has been growingly used. Finally, the author examines the 2018 Brazilian presidential election, in which the "Gay Kit" was one of the main topics of the president-elect's campaign. All such controversies, which arise in a scenario of strengthened "conservatism", share two characteristics. First, the confrontation of different moralities related to gender and sexuality. Secondly, the discourse that depicts children and adolescents as having to be "protected". The author then hypothesizes that childhood and adolescence have become strategic features to think over the transformation that the Brazilian sexual policy is currently going through.

Resumen El artículo es el resultado de una investigación realizada entre 2010 y 2018 sobre los argumentos desencadenados en polémicas públicas que han impregnado el escenario político brasileño, originadas por parlamentarios vinculados a fracciones religiosas. La reflexión vuelve su mirada hacia el pánico moral creado alrededor del Proyecto Escuela sin Homofobia, llamado "kit gay" por sus detractores, desde 2011. Luego se acompañan los intensos debates de 2013 - con la terminología activada "Ideología de género": en torno a los planes de educación en el país. Más recientemente, acompañó el proceso electoral para la presidencia de la República, donde el "kit gay" fue uno de los principales artefactos de la campaña del presidente electo. Esas polémicas se articulan en un escenario de fortalecimiento del conservadurismo, cuyos puntos de intersección son la confrontación de moralidades en relación con el género y la sexualidad, y la movilización del discurso de defensa de las niñas, niños y adolescentes. La hipótesis, por lo tanto, es que la infancia y la adolescencia se convierten en puntos estratégicos para reflexionar sobre los procesos de transformación que experimenta la política sexual brasileña.

Do values explain the low employment levels of Muslim women around the world? A within- and between-country analysis.

Using worldwide data from the World Values Survey (WVS) gathered in 2010-2014, we examine two distinct ways in which Islam may be associated with women's employment. We show that, within their countries, Muslim women are less likely to be employed than women of other religions. We also examine between-country differences and find that, net of education and family statuses, the employment levels of women living in countries that are 90-100 per cent Muslim are not significantly different than those living in countries that are only 0-20 per cent Muslim. Then we test a prevailing view: that Islam discourages gender egalitarian values, and that these values - held by women themselves or people around them - explain why Muslim women are less likely to be employed than women of other religions within their own countries. Despite the rich measures of values in the WVS and a large sample, we find no evidence that values explain any of the lower employment of Muslim women, mainly because values have little or no effect on women's employment. Thus, we conclude that most of the world's gap in employment between Muslim women and other women is within-country and is not explained by gender ideology. Future research should examine alternative hypotheses, including ethno-religious discrimination.